It was a magnificent six, sending the first ball of the match over the boundary. After conveying his condolences to Morocco for the devastation wreaked by an earthquake, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his first act as the President of G20 in New Delhi, proposed that the African Union (AU) be accepted as a member of G20. A few seconds of welcome silence followed. Then, he struck the presidential gavel on the table to confirm the decision. Within minutes, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar escorted Azali Assoumani, President of Comoros and Chairperson of AU to Mr. Modi who warmly embraced the dignitary, as a protocol officer swiftly placed a chair and name plate at the main table. AU stood elevated from a mere guest to a full-fledged member of G20.
The first-ever expansion of G20, the world’s premier forum on economic cooperation, was executed brilliantly. And thereby hangs a tale.
Africa’s representation in multilateral institutions, and developing a special focus on Africa within G20, have been under deliberation for years. Last November at the Bali summit, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa urged the admission of AU to G20, but the matter made little headway. A critical lacuna was filled when in February 2023, AU adopted a formal decision to seek membership and ask all G20 members for support. This stemmed from a proposal made by President Macky Sall of Senegal, the then Chairperson of AU.
Earlier, on 12-13 January, India hosted a virtual conference named the ‘Voice of the Global South Summit.’ This was attended by 125 countries. Their leaders furnished valuable inputs to the Indian leadership, including the issue of Africa’s representation. Recognising that Africa is the heart of the Global South — the larger developing world — Prime Minister Modi in June wrote to all G20 leaders suggesting the inclusion of AU in G20, and conveyed India’s support for it. The rest is history.
What are the implications of this momentous decision? An objective answer is that the decision is beneficial to the G20 itself, to Africa, and yes, to India too. First, the G20 stands legitimately empowered to decide on issues relating to economic and financial development, with the AU representing its 55 member states. G20 will now speak for 80% of the world population rather than 65% only. A historic wrong has been corrected: the European region, with a population of 448 million, was represented by four states (UK, France, Germany, Italy and the European Union), whereas Africa, a continent of 1.4 billion people, had a lone representative in South Africa.
Second, going by the positive reactions of African and Global South leaders, this decision helps them emotionally and strengthens their sense of belonging. More importantly, they can now contribute meaningfully to the decision-making on challenges facing not only Africa but the entire globe, such as the need for faster and more inclusive growth, fighting climate change, accelerating the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals, and lessening the debt burden. Third, as the inclusion of AU in G20 took place during India’s presidency, New Delhi can enjoy the fruits of its creative diplomacy. It could also hope that the project of ‘Inclusive Multilateralism’ may be taken to its logical conclusion someday, resulting in a permanent seat for her and two or more seats for Africa in the UN Security Council.
But, realistically speaking, the road ahead is not going to be easy for the three parties mentioned above. G20 will need time to shed its image of a closed club of developed and emerging economies. Fortunately, the Indian presidency has achieved much in starting the transition by focusing on the priorities of the Global South. The AU, which has only limited institutional and technical capacity to articulate a common economic and foreign policy, should take remedial measures. AU Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat, who welcomed the decision, will need to prepare the AU for making an effective contribution to G20’s work at all levels, including with the 11 Engagement Groups.
Finally, as regards India, three suggestions merit consideration. One, gratitude is a short-term currency in interstate relations. India has done a good deed, but in order to score more in the ongoing competition for Africa’s attention, this nation needs to deploy all the means at its disposal, including a sharply enhanced endeavour by its business and industry. Second, to increase its credibility further, the government needs to expedite the implementation of the five new initiatives announced at the Global South Summit, including setting up the Global South Centre of Excellence.
Three, as India’s G20 presidency ends in a few weeks, special attention should be paid to strengthening India-Africa cooperation in diplomatic, political, economic, intellectual, and cultural domains. A blueprint entitled ‘India-Africa Partnership: Achievements, Challenges and Roadmap 2023’ was prepared recently by an influential think tank – Vivekananda International Foundation, with this author as the chair of the taskforce. It was shared with the officials concerned. A serious mix of coordination and commitment is needed to take this initiative forward.
After the G20 presidency is over, India must remain focused on the strategy to sustain and expand multi-dimensional relations with the Global South in a pragmatic manner.
Rajiv Bhatia is Distinguished Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies, and a former ambassador.
This article was first published by the Hindustan Times.