There have been several developments in Bangladesh in recent times. Most significantly, 11 May 2016 — the day Motiur Rahman Nizami, Jamaat-e-Islami chief and erstwhile minister, was executed — will go down as a red-letter day in its history as many Bangladeshis waited 35 years to witness his execution for war crimes during the 1971 Liberation War. It was an electoral promise Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fulfilled by setting up the Bangladesh War Crimes Tribunal that has, to date, prosecuted 20 collaborators like Nizami and ordered the execution of five.
Another electoral promise Sheikh Hasina upheld was to introduce various domestic legislations, including proscribing terror groups to address terrorism and extremism in Bangladesh. As evident, given past trends, several of those engaged in terror — who also carry out violent physical attacks — enjoy linkages with Bangladesh’s largest religious political party, the Jamaat-e-Islami, or its affiliates.
Terror attacks in the last few years have taken on a scary form. Bangladesh is no stranger to political violence, but the trend of periodic attacks against certain section of individuals is unprecedented. Beginning with the killing of bloggers in 2013, to the latest attacks on a university professor, gay rights activists, and a sufi preacher within a span of a few days, it is significantly ominous. These audacious macabre killings in and around Dhaka seem to follow the hit list of over 80 writers released by a group, the Defenders of Islam, as reported by a section of the media.[1] The resolute attacks against writers, as well as authors, professors, and activists, including foreigners—in fact, on individuals who wear their secular credentials openly—points towards a proselytized group that vociferously opposes personal liberty and the right to free speech.
Present Bangladesh characterises a severely-fractured society. The political polarisation runs deep with the two main political parties representing contrasting political hues, values, and ethos. The opposition—Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) that =rose out of the barracks—has always taken a rightist position while the ruling party—the Awami League—has historically stood for liberal socialism. However the recent developments, and the government’s seeming inability to address , raise several questions as its secular credentials.
Although there have been over 20 fatal attacks in and around Dhaka in the last two years, there has only been a handful of arrests. Apart from some routine denouncement and laying the blame on the BNP and Jamaat, no serious measure has been taken to deter the violence. Some members of the ruling party have even expressed cynosure against the victims—all liberal thinkers—for being “non Islamic”, rather than against the perpetrators. The real concern is actually the non action and rather muted voices against the growing menace of vigilante killings. While a section of people are scared into silence, the impudent groups enjoying the support of rogue elements appear to be emerging stronger with every attack that goes unpunished and unchallenged.
Although the Jamaat political party has been banned, its large infrastructural support and economic network remains unaffected. Arguably, ideologically religious groups have greater affinity with the BNP, recent incidents point to the Awami League attempting to cohabit with them. The presently anchorless but deeply indoctrinated Jamaat sympathisers are only too ready to be given new membership. Given the high electoral stakes, Awami is unable to risk sending this disparate but effective group into the folds of the BNP. Political exigencies have led to Awami League repositioning itself as a concession towards the religious political entities it seeks not to alienate, in recognition of the changing domestic mood. The blatant show of Islamic religious strength underscores the emergence of conservative Bangladesh. Bangladesh once showcased as a moderate Islamic country is in regressive mode. Religious appeasement is invariably prevailing upon the liberal cultural identity that had led to the vision of “sonar bangla” as an independent nation.
Ironically, while the Islamic State and Ansar al-Islam (linked to Al-Qaida) have claimed to be behind some of the attacks, the Bangladeshi government squarely denies their presence on their soil. Political a in Bangladesh cannot be delinked from religious identity. Given this scenario, through their use of force, the perceived followers of Islam are undeniably posing a serious threat to the nation’s identity and national security.
Yet, India-Bangladesh bilateral relations remain at an all-time high. From the signing of the comprehensive agreement in 2010, the two neighbours have only strengthened their ties, largely enabled by Bangladesh addressing India’s core security concerns. Both sides continue to reiterate “their unequivocal and uncompromising position against extremism and terrorism in all forms and manifestations….”[2], but another quiet transition seems to be underway, reflecting in the changing situation on the ground in India, specifically in West Bengal, which borders Bangladesh.
Political violence and acts of terror have visited certain quarters of West Bengal. The October 2014 blast at Khagragarh, Burdwan, yielded fresh evidence of cross-border terror groups linkages. Permeable borders have provided Islamic groups from Bangladesh with easy access into West Bengal, encouraging a dangerous trend. The proliferation of a small arms cottage industry in the surrounding areas provides sustenance to such criminal elements. Clearly, the unofficial figure of nearly 30% of the population belonging to the Muslim community has its impact on the electoral arithmetic in West Bengal. While the growing contact between similar cross-border groups are not fully known, West Bengal is not immune to its domestic electoral compulsions and might well be turning a blind eye to a dangerously unfolding situation. Unfortunately, measures against home-grown terror elements/groups have often been perceived biased and has restricted the Indian/state/Bengal government’s actions.
A case in point is the anti-Shahbag rally held in Kolkata in March 2013. Briefly, a particular incident involving the secretary general of the Jamaat during the war crime trials led to a spontaneous popular movement in Dhaka. Connecting through the virtual world, youth and bloggers gathered at Shahbag in Kolkata to protest against the “collaborators” of the Liberation War. The Shahbag movement gained huge support overnight from a wide cross section of Bangladeshis, but was not able to sustain itself. In addition to other factors, the movement largely weakened on account of the ire it invariably invited fromreligious groups in Bangladesh. Gradually, the Islamists gained ground and launched several anti-Shahbag movements not only in Bangladesh, but also in neighbouring West Bengal. Ironically, in sharp contrast to erstwhile Bengal’s liberal political atmosphere few months prior, the request from a group of intellectuals from Kolkata to organise a peace march, to express solidarity with the Shahbag movement, was turned down.
Clearly, a section of people in Bangladesh are desperately trying to drive its political and social agenda in a particular direction. Political short sightedness prevents leaders on both sides to act decisively against such a phenomenon. The ongoing situation in Bangladesh is fraught with dangers to both state and society, and India will not remain immune to its negative spinoffs unless it is careful.
Dr. Sreeradha Datta is the Director of the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies in Kolkata.
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References:
[1] Jason McLure, ‘Press crackdown in Bangladesh’, Global Journalist, 25 June 2015. <http://globaljournalist.org/2015/06/press-crackdown-in-bangladesh-program/>
[2] ‘India B’desh ties more realistic, mature now’, Pioneer, 11 May 2015. <http://www.dailypioneer.com/todays-newspaper/india-bdesh-ties-more-realistic-mature-now.html>