A critical assessment of India’s foreign policy during 1947–2022 should begin with the changing perceptions of this nation, both internally and internationally. A young state with an uninterrupted 5,000-year-old civilization, India began its political journey with enormous equity stemming from its unique freedom struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru’s insistence that its independence would be incomplete without the liberation of Asia and Africa, and the benefits of being the largest newly-independent nation. The journey was also marked by the pain of Partition in 1947 and the trauma of the war with Pakistan over Jammu and Kashmir in 1948. From a developing economy that faced the challenge of even feeding its population until the 1960s, India has emerged as the 5th largest economy, a nuclear weapons state, a space and IT power, and a nation with an overarching world view in the 21st century.
Is today’s India a middle power, a great power, or an in-between power? A study of long years of its foreign policy reveals the wide range of the nation’s ties with countries in the South Pacific, through Southeast and South Asia, across to other parts of Asia, Europe, the Indian Ocean region, Africa, North America and Latin America. This is the foreign policy of an aspiring and major player on the world stage. A leading member of the UN, an oft-invitee to G7, a founding member of BRICS, and a pivotal part of the G20 now ready to take over as its Chair, India has become an indispensable stakeholder in the comity of nations.
National interest drives foreign policy, but more is at stake here: it is realpolitik plus, meaning that policy is anchored in a nuanced calibration between interests and values. National security remains the key driver, aimed at safeguarding sovereignty, territorial integrity, defense and internal security. In addition is the belief that external relationships accelerate the country’s economic progress – ‘Diplomacy for Development’. This explains the progressive expansion of the foreign policy agenda to encompass trade and investment, technology and connectivity, energy, environment and the digital revolution. Other policy motivations include the desire to enhance the nation’s dignity externally and the impulse to do good for the world. Extensive development cooperation is central to external policy. Engulfed by the Covid catastrophe herself, India did not hesitate to immediately share and supply its medicines and vaccines to over 90 countries within the first month of their launch
But there have been shifts. In the past, South Block accorded the highest priority to India’s immediate neighbours over the major powers, given the history of conflicts with Pakistan and China, the liberation of Bangladesh and the military interventions in Sri Lanka and Maldives. However, in the post-Cold War period, India has moved more time and resources to a careful nurturing of relations with the major powers, viz. the U.S., and the EU especially France and Germany, the U.K., Japan, Russia and China. Even though the doors of permanent membership of the UN Security Council remain shut, India’s enhanced GDP and especially its IT prowess has positioned it in parallel and it perceives itself with the apex group of leaders. Also, at the height of the Non-Aligned Movement and G77, it was the leader of the ‘have-nots’; now India acts as a responsible member of the group that manages world affairs. By enjoying proximity with the West, and demonstrating the capability to cooperate and communicate with the “other” side – Russia the time-tested partner, and China the principal adversary but also a consequential neighbour – India acts with skill as a balancer and leader.
But the neighbours have not been ignored. The most competent Foreign Office mandarins are made envoys to neighbouring capitals and invest hugely in endeavours to counter China’s unwelcome intrusion in the South Asian space. As a result, equations with Bhutan, Bangladesh and Maldives today are excellent. The tide that ran against India in its ties with Afghanistan, Nepal and Sri Lanka in recent years seems to have turned since the Covid-19 pandemic. A fine balancing act between the military government and its opponents in Myanmar has been underway. More needs to be achieved in regional cooperation and integration. Having concluded that SAARC’s shelf life is over for the present, New Delhi accords priority to BIMSTEC, but this train runs too slow.
The Indo-Pacific has emerged as a principal theatre where Indian diplomacy is in full flow, in contrast to a decade ago with the limited ‘Look East’ policy. That has now moved to ‘Act East’ and beyond, with a full Indo-Pacific menu. The increased emphasis on augmenting cooperation with Japan, Australia and the U.S. has turned the Quad into a strong forum. With security issues kept out of its ambit, its strategy to win partners to counter China’s influence is beginning to produce results. The combined impact of new formations such as AUKUS (Australia, United Kingdom and United States), Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, Partners in the Blue Pacific and India’s continuing focus on ASEAN, despite the setback of its exit from RCEP, is a determined pushback to China.
Across the western shores, prospects have improved with the establishment of I2U2 (India, Israel, U.S. UAE), which became possible due to the phenomenal progress in India-UAE, India-Israel and UAE-Israel relations. The Indian Ocean region is witnessing active US-China contestation and China-India competition for influence. A sure win will be for New Delhi to formally determine Africa’s eastern and southern flanks as a part of the Indo-Pacific. Then India can craft a series of initiatives to strengthen cooperation in maritime activity, economic development, and the Blue Economy.
Political talent has played a key role. First, among the 14 prime ministers of India, five have left a strong imprint on foreign policy: Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Narasimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi. Second, the Ministry of External Affairs has become a bigger, better equipped and more professional machine than it was 75 years ago. Third, foreign policy making is aided by academia, think tanks, civil society and media more than ever before. Public diplomacy and Diaspora diplomacy have made strides.
Above all, the increasing engagement of the wider public, especially the nation’s youth and business community, with foreign policy issues reflects the greater maturity and sophistication of India as a democracy. These trends must deepen for a true success story. India’s G20 Presidency year provides the perfect opportunity and beginning for the next anniversary era.
Amb. Rajiv Bhatia is Distinguished Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies Programme, Gateway House, and a former Ambassador.
A version of this article was previously published in The Indian Express.