Courtesy: Systemic Alternatives
The contours of globalisation are being reshaped. The Brexit vote and the election of Donald Trump mark a strong anti-globalisation sentiment even as leaders in China, India and Russia successfully marry nationalist rhetoric with a cleverly crafted overseas strategy, premised on the very tenets of globalisation. There seems to be a ‘pause’ in the unbalanced progress of globalisation of the last three decades—and this could have many positive outcomes
Courtesy: Flickr
Prince Salman’s accession to the throne after the death of Saudi King Abdullah on 23 January 2015 has been a game changer, both domestically and in West Asian politics. Within days, he sidelined rivals within the House of Saud, and took on Iran with a confrontational policy. But two years later, the results of his new strategy disappoint
Courtesy: Gateway House
Ambassador Neelam Deo delivered this speech at the grand finale of ‘The Mind Games’ – a platform for talent development & idea generation at Mahindra Partners on January 18, 2017. Ambassador Deo’s speech focuses on the disruption of the post-Cold War global framework to be caused by Trump’s foreign policy changes
Courtesy: MEA/Flickr
The West Asian monarchies are being forced to ‘look East’ due to a range of factors: the rise of the Islamic State, their need to boost falling oil revenues and doubts about the United States continuing to remain a guarantor of regional stability. Quite coterminously, India is looking towards the Gulf for energy security besides fulfilling other geostrategic goals: this is an ‘East’ and ‘West’ where the ‘twain will meet
Courtesy: Wikipedia
Trump’s cabinet has a preponderance of China hardliners, which has wider implications for the Asia Pacific region while some of its members view Narendra Modi as Reaganesque and a man of the times
Courtesy: Flickr/ResoluteSupportMedia
The Russians have concluded that the Afghan Taliban offer a better shield against the Islamic State than the old Northern Alliance. A negotiated settlement in Afghanistan could be achieved if Washington and New Delhi join Moscow, Beijing, Islamabad and Tehran in a joint effort.
Courtesy: MEA/flickr
The year 2017 may change some equations in the East Asian region. Will the near parity that the U.S. and China currently share turn into a keener contest? Will strained relations between India and China persist? Donald Trump’s election as the next U.S. president casts the spotlight squarely on these inter-state relationships
Courtesy: Flickr/U.S. Army Africa
New Delhi now has the capacity to move beyond the basics of economic diplomacy by using the strengths of India's private sector in healthcare. Africa would welcome such an initiative, which will improve the health and development capabilities of African countries. This will also serve India’s geopolitical objectives and can precede a similar healthcare rollout to other regions
Courtesy: The Economist
India may be less dependent on the Chinese market than some other countries in the region, but it too wants Chinese investment—and this ambivalence has been evident in India’s varying approach to the AIIB and OBOR. To balance this dilemma in an increasingly complex Asia, India must work with others, in particular with European countries
Courtesy: United States Trade Representative
Amid the debate of a U.S.-centric TPP template or a China-led RCEP model, it is important to consider if such trade agreements are building blocks or stumbling blocks to global free trade. With the passage of the TPP still uncertain in the U.S. Congress, and the RCEP unlikely to be acceptable to the U.S., the more likely global trade scenario will be fragmentation