In 2011 the demise of Muammar Gaddafi’s 42 years of dictatorial rule, through a violent and externally-induced February 17 revolution, was predicted to give rise to a ‘new Libya’ that would quickly address the concerns of 6 million Libyans. It was believed that Libyans could live a life of their choosing with dignity and security, absolved of any kind of fear. The new regime was envisaged as one that would have the core interests of the people at the centre of all policy efforts.
Unfortunately, after regaining freedom many Libyans now find themselves wondering if they have attained what they set out to given the fact that high-handed, all-powerful militias continue to call the shots and keep the political establishment at tenterhooks. Even after three very long years Libya continues to suffer from security and institutional deficit. These issues will take a while to be solved given that over time these militia groups have become well entrenched, driving out and asphyxiating institution building efforts. The Gaddafi regime assiduously decimated the growth of institutions that could potentially challenge his authority and resulting in the current vacuum. Therefore, ordinary Libyans continue suffer an increased sense of insecurity and hardships, but their hope in the future of Libya remains firm and well rooted.
On the brighter side Libya, the fledgling democracy, has consistently witnessed credible local and general elections and consequent smooth transfer of power. The 7 July 2012 elections for the 200 member General National Congress (GNC), the successor to the National Transition Council (NTC), were a watershed with a wide spectrum of Libyans casting their vote. However, the lack of experience and the skewed division of seats between political parties (80 seats) and the independents (120) ensured that the formation of the new government was delayed and fraught with uncertainty.
This formula was devised to address the ab initio absence of parties in the Qaddafi era including the Muslim Brotherhood – a la Egypt – hanging high on the minds of many, including Libya’s western benefactors.
But in reality a better organised Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliate Justice and Construction Party commanded a more forceful and unified presence in the Parliament than the moderates led by a hastily collected National Forces Alliance (NFA) led by Mahmoud Jibril whose personal popularity ensured overtly high margin of success for NFA. However, over time both the major political parties invited the wrath of the people and their offices were attacked. Political parties virtually became dysfunctional leading to further chaos and political uncertainty. This was further compounded by the Political Isolation Law which reportedly was said to have been passed under duress.
The GNC also discredited itself by self extending its mandate beyond 7 February 2014 by sticking to the legalese. Public perception and opinion was against the establishment and this was reflected in the increased armed attacks on GNC officials and premises, hold-ups and kidnappings of MPs.
Eventually the advent of General Khalifa Haftar and his unilateral fight against the Islamists, compounded by the vertical division in the GNC itself, forced Libya to call for fresh elections for the next interim House of Representatives on June 26.
Public apathy was evident both in the elections to the Constituent Drafting Assembly and the June 26 elections with ever smaller number of Libyans coming forward to exercise their franchise. The people were frustrated and demoralised with the nascent institutions, politicians and their way of functioning. But choice is limited for those who want to tread on the path of democracy.
All said and done the positives emerging is the smooth building up of political, executive and legislative institutions – a healthy sign indeed. Hopefully, the election results expected on July 20 and the inauguration of House of Representatives on August 1 will fulfil the aspirations of the people, despite the fact that 200 members are overtly contesting as independents, a step aimed at reducing factionalism in the next legislature. Some figures known to be affiliated to political groupings are contesting, including Hamouda Salaya, who served as the rebellion’s appointed prime minister during the civil war and is a close associate of Mahmoud Jibril.
How efficient and workable model will be remains to be seen.
Once a proper Constitution is drafted, vetted through a referendum addressing the major issues – regionalism, federalism – followed by general elections, and the building up of security apparatus and institutions it is expected that transitional woes and the suffering of people will be eventually alleviated.
India the world’s largest democracy that has historic links and great people-to-people friendship with the North African country has welcomed “new Libya”.
India has been able to overcome the misperception created by Gagddafi’s media machine and subsequently by some interested parties about India’s abstention on voting for adopting United Nations Security Council resolution 1970 (imposing an arms embargo, a travel ban and assets freeze on the family of Muammar Al-Gaddafi and certain government officials) and 1973 (a ban on all flights in the country’s airspace — a no-fly zone — and tightening of sanctions on the Gaddafi regime and its supporters) in 2011. By abstaining from voting India guaranteed the security of over 18,000 Indians working and living all over Libya.
We had seen the unintended outcomes and consequences of external military interventions in different parts of the world. There has to be a voice espousing peace. When the people of a nation decide collectively to rise and remove despotic regimes they gather will and move to put into place a new system which they think is more suitable.
India commands great respect around the world for the assistance provided in the sphere of capacity and institution building. Indian doctors and nurses, some of whom refused to leave during the peak of the conflict in Libya, are greatly respected. It is no wonder that the Libyan government and people have employed over 2000 doctors, nurses and paramedic staff in the post revolution phase.
Indian companies were engaged in several major infrastructure, roads, housing and power projects and were the first ones to return after the revolution. They resumed work on the stalled projects despite the prevailing uncertainty and inimical ground situation. This dedication had its own dividends for India. Punj Lloyd was able to win the first green field infrastructure project worth Rs 3,244 crore at Zliten. Several new players are working to set up projects in cement manufacturing, IT, Oil Services, ports and transportation etc. India and Libya’s can build a solid relationship for mutual benefit. India can help Libya in reconstruction, development and providing assistance with institutional building. This will go a long way in helping Libyans achieve their dream of democracy.
Anil Trigunayat is the current Ambassador of India to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. He has also served as Ambassador of India to Libya and Deputy Chief of Mission in Moscow.
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