China in IOR: ‘peaceful rise’ no more
China has expanded its presence in the Indian Ocean Region. President Xi Jinping has abandoned Deng Xiaoping’s conciliatory posture for an aggressive, money-fuelled search for super power status
China has expanded its presence in the Indian Ocean Region. President Xi Jinping has abandoned Deng Xiaoping’s conciliatory posture for an aggressive, money-fuelled search for super power status
The historical evolution of the Malabar Exercise and the currently fraught relations between the participating countries and China created a much sharper context for the event, with the Chinese evincing a heightened interest in it
The Indo-Pacific region is home to some of the largest and most rapidly growing economies as also powerful military forces. Nuclear threats, international terrorism and climate change are some of the issues that define the region. Uncertainty dogs relations among the four nations in the top league—U.S., China, India and Japan—but what is emerging is a hawkish, policy stance from the U.S. as opposed to an isolationist outlook apprehended earlier
A strategic coming together of the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India was close to fruition some years ago, impelled initially by the tsunami of 2004. The spirit of the enterprise remains alive even now, and there are many merits in India joining the quad, but such an arrangement can skew existing Asian equations, jeopardising the Act East policy
In the wake of trade-based globalisation followed by financial globalisation, a large volume of capital began moving from developing to advanced countries. This has resulted in relatively poor developing countries effectively becoming net creditors to the rest of the world. Reversing this massive outflow of capital requires governments to strengthen governance in all its dimensions and have closer international collaboration to tighten the regulatory oversight of tax havens for greater transparency
There is a stark divergence between how the West views the world and how those outside it do. It is possible to oversimplify the equation, to portray the West as cynically self-interested. The West and countries like India need to reach a shared understanding of how the liberal international order can be reformed so it may be salvaged
The contours of globalisation are being reshaped. The Brexit vote and the election of Donald Trump mark a strong anti-globalisation sentiment even as leaders in China, India and Russia successfully marry nationalist rhetoric with a cleverly crafted overseas strategy, premised on the very tenets of globalisation. There seems to be a ‘pause’ in the unbalanced progress of globalisation of the last three decades—and this could have many positive outcomes
Narendra Modi’s landslide victory in India's 2014 general elections, despite his hardline nationalist image, was viewed as a localised phenomenon. But two years later, voters across the world from Europe to Philippines seem to be tilting towards leaders with the same nationalist tag.
The success of the U.S. Defense Secretary's recent visit to India is indicative of the deepening India-U.S. defence relationship. It has become clear that Indo-U.S. maritime cooperation in the Indian Ocean is steaming ahead; while other geopolitical differences, like the sale of aircraft to Pakistan, seem unlikely to disappear anytime soon.
Instead of inviting foreign corporations to India to create a manufacturing base, Modi can use his Silicon Valley experience to build a similar research and development foundation in India for indigenous high-tech companies. A strategic space megaproject could be the start of this much-needed push.